L'azione collettiva dei lavoratori precari: elaborazione simbolica, identità collettive, rapporto con i sindacati e con la dimensione politica. Una comparazione tra Italia e Spagna

Abstract

Negli ultimi anni la crisi economica ha colpito con forza l’intero Sud Europa, esasperando dinamiche di impoverimento e precarizzazione di lungo periodo. In Italia e in Spagna, tra gli altri, si è assistito a mobilitazioni contro la precarietà lavorativa e esistenziale. In questo contributo vengono presi in esame i movimenti contro la precarietà in Italia e in Spagna, allo scopo di analizzarne la genesi, gli sviluppi e le prospettive future. In particolare, il paper si concentra sulle rivendicazioni dei movimenti, l’autorappresentazione, la struttura delle alleanze e le strategie di azione, mettendo in luce i risultati delle proteste e i repertori discorsivi e di azione. | In the last years, the economic crisis heavily hit all the Southern European States, exacerbating well rooted dynamics of impoverishment and precarization. In Italy and Spain, among others, social movements against labour and existential precarity developed and took the streets, receiving a high degree of media attention. In this paper we focus on the movements against precarity in Italy and Spain, in order to analyse their genesis, developments, and future opportunities. In particular, the paper focuses on the movements’ claims, their self-representation, the structure of alliances and their strategies of action, highlighting the results of the protests and the repertories of discourse and action.

In the last years, the economic crisis heavily hit all the Southern European States, exacerbating well rooted dynamics of impoverishment and precarization. In Italy and Spain, among others, social movements against labour and existential precarity developed and took the streets, receiving a high degree of media attention. In this paper we focus on the movements against precarity in Italy and Spain, in order to analyse their genesis, developments, and future opportunities. In particular, the paper focuses on the movements’ claims, their self-representation, the structure of alliances and their strategies of action, highlighting the results of the protests and the repertories of discourse and action.

Extended abstract: In the last years, the economic crisis heavily hit all the Southern European States, exacerbating well rooted dynamics of impoverishment and precarization. In Italy and Spain, among others, social movements against labour and existential precarity developed and took the streets, receiving a high degree of media attention. In this paper we focus on the movements against precarity in Italy and Spain, in order to analyse their genesis, developments, symbolic discourse and future opportunities. In particular, the paper focuses on the movements’ claims, their self-representation, the structure of alliances and their strategies of action, highlighting the results of the protests and the repertories of discourse and action. In Italy, the discourse against precarity can be divided into three phases: until the mid-2000s, a grassroots network of actors developed, addressing the flexibility of jobs and the fragmentation of the labour market, while the trade unions organized attempts of including atypical workers. The second phase is characterized by the widespread use of the term precariousness outside of the environments in which it was developed, by a massive use of the job’s rights, and the increasing awareness of the difficulties of organizing precarious workers. In the third phase, precarity has become a common reference for workers’ protests and broader activism, and a widespread and legitimate word in the public sphere as well. In Spain, mobilizations against precarity mainly developed in the aftermath of the economic crisis, and especially since 2010-2011, thanks to the action of JSF and, later, of the 15M movement. The claims against precarity are strictly intertwined with the broader claims on the right to housing and the lack of prospects for the youth, as well as to a deep disaffection towards the institutional politics, therefore they have an intrinsic and instant ‘political’ nature. The activists, indeed: seek for the societal consensus and, for this reason, they interact with the media, both grassroots and mainstream; put in place and activate wide networks of mobilization and alliances; and contribute to political experiences, such as Podemos and Ahora Madrid. Movements’ differences are mainly related to their self-representation and action strategies. While in Spain the protests focus on the ‘lack of’ (future, jobs, security), in Italy they refuse a ‘victimization’ discourse, promoting a self-empowerment subjectivity. On the other hand, while in Italy action took place mainly in the field of labour and workers struggle –and the public sphere– in Spain activists went political, by contributing to the 15M movement, Mareas, Podemos, and Ahora Madrid. In this article we analyse the diverse experiences of the movements and highlight similarities and differences.